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12月2日 多希望能和你唱着同一首歌about责任---<HIGH NOON > 什么是该做的?一部50年前的电影 让我感慨万分 这部据说主题曲是历届美国总统必听的歌曲,把我带进了那个蛮荒的牛仔时代:小镇上一群企图破坏安宁的匪徒,和一个刚刚结婚1小时即将离职的警长的故事 警长犹豫责任 为了最后一班岗 拒绝了妻子的哀求和威胁 在朋友口中所谓的 不值得 的情况下 坚持在岗位去和匪徒做个几乎不可能胜利的斗争 小镇上的人们却都明哲保身 一个个事不关己高高挂起的态度
这让我想到了责任 所谓的责任 一个警长的责任 一个身为真正的男人的责任 就像电影里说的 真正的男人不是仅仅有帅气的脸蛋和宽阔的肩膀 真正需要的是一种对事情 的责任感 责任不是在酒后的拍着胸脯大喊的胡言论语 也不是在上床前对女孩子夸下海口的许诺 真正的责任是身为自己扮演角色所要承担的一切 一个成年要肩负家庭的责任 一个结婚了要维护婚姻幸福 给妻子幸福和安全责任 一个努力去奋斗不辜负期望的责任 这不是做给某人看的业绩 也不是所索取奖品的筹码 这一切都是自己所肩负的责任 一个应该要做也必须要做的义务 我想这也是我们这辈子仅仅要做的事情把 ----把自己的责任肩负起来ba 11月10日 王道啊1300CC的隼不是人开的 更何况加了TURBO的那种 短直道加速强到变态 要是再全身碳纤维加氮气就更无言了 再强的刹车也无用了 直接用到战机的减速伞吧. 随意上300`美到不行啊 2008 SUZUKI GSX1300R Hayabusa 发动机型式 水冷/并列四缸/DOHC/16气门 排量 1340ml 缸径×行程 81.0×65.0(mm) 压缩比 12.5:1 供油系统 电子燃油喷射系统 点火系统 数字/晶体管 传动方式 湿式多片离合器/6前速变速/链传动 长×宽×高 2195×740×1170(mm) 轴距 1485mm 座高 805mm 最小离地间隙 120mm 油箱容积 21L 净重 220kg 悬挂系统 前 倒立式前叉，119mm行程 后 中央式减震器，140mm行程 制动系统 前 310mm浮动式双盘配对向4活塞直栓式卡钳 后 260mm单盘配单活塞卡钳 轮胎规格 前 120/70ZR-17 后 190/50ZR-17
9月8日 久病初愈 心情不错 身体也不错8月27日 仔细看看 蛮有趣的2008年8月8日,Google首页使用的奥运会开幕式logo。
2008年8月10日,Google首页使用的奥运会logo。
2008年8月11日,Google首页使用的奥运会logo。
2008年8月12日,Google首页使用的奥运会logo。
2008年8月13日,Google首页使用的奥运会logo。
2008年8月14日,Google首页使用的奥运会logo。
2008年8月15日,Google首页使用的奥运会logo。
2008年8月16日,Google首页使用的奥运会logo。
2008年8月17日,Google首页使用的奥运会logo。
2008年8月18日,Google首页使用的奥运会logo。
2008年8月19日,Google首页使用的奥运会logo。
2008年8月20日,Google首页使用的奥运会logo。
2008年8月21日,Google首页使用的奥运会logo。
2008年8月22日,Google首页使用的奥运会logo。
2008年8月23日,Google首页使用的奥运会logo。
2008年8月24日,Google首页使用的奥运会毕幕式logo
寒酸的 8 min我承认我不客观.但是英国的8分钟展示表演呈现给观众一辆双层巴士、上了岁数的摇滚明星、过气的足球偶像，以及穿着皱巴巴肥大西服的伦敦市长.这实在太寒酸了. 我们可以为奥运投入240亿美元你们行吗? 我们可以为了建设庞大的场馆夷平整个社区和胡同你们行吗? 虽然你们的人均收入是我们的7倍. 但你们却承诺投入仅仅150亿美元. 这才仅仅刚刚超过我们的1/3 这次看到我们天朝有多么富饶了把? 至于你们:用市长Boris Johnson的话说，伦敦必须依靠其智慧和创造性。要定下这一基调，他或许应该在伦敦奥运会开始前到萨维尔街的裁缝店量身定制一套西服. 8月20日 何为快乐之本？从来没人在临终之际说：‘我要是把更多的时间花在了办公室就好了。 是的,在外生活才感到什么叫孤独.什么是幸福. 不是加薪 不是买新装备 更不是一次刺激的感受. 幸福的只是和家人相互帮助 相亲相爱 坦诚相对 甚至仅仅是交谈 仅此而已. 8月18日 最好的60个壁纸站点别人那看的 复制过来分享 原创壁纸 多为1600×1200 Aeiko.net MoodFlow End Effect DJ-Designs Bitaites.org 多种类别 超高分辨率 InterfaceList MacDesktops Wallpaper Stock Pixelgirl Presents Quality 壁纸 大量壁纸 多为1600×1200 Shifted Reality 汽车壁纸 Streat Dream 多为1280×960 其他分类壁纸 8月12日 《老兵不死》 每次看的都热泪盈眶提起这句话：“老兵永远不死，只会慢慢凋零”（Old soldiers never die, they just fade away），就不由得想起那个叼着玉米棒子烟斗的麦克阿瑟，和他在1951年4月19日被解职后在国会大厦发表的题为《老兵不死》著名演讲。 但我知道我不能冲动.这个世界要我理性,身边的环境需要我理性.即使是装出来的,强忍着压抑内心的热火. 不多说了 给大家贴上来自己看把.相信你们也都看过的. 先是原文 后面是翻译. I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American. I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe. Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom. Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started. In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism. Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack. The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific. Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure. Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment. This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington. To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies. Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism. There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies. I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time. The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice. Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race. Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited. On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines. With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces. This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy. Such decisions have not been forthcoming. While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old. Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy. For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff. I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory. We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution. Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows: "Men since the beginning of time have But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end. War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision. In war there is no substitute for victory. There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative. "Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" I could not answer. Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis. The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation. Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description. They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!" I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way. It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety. Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always. I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away." And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty. Good Bye. 下面是翻译 今天早晨，当我走出旅馆时，看门人问道："将军，您上哪去?"一听说我要去西点，他说："那是个好地方，您从前去过吗?" 这样的荣誉是没有人不深受感动的。长期以来，我从事这个职业，又如此热爱 责任一荣誉一国家。这三个神圣的名词庄严地提醒你应该成为怎样的人，可能成为怎样的人，一定要成为怎样的人。它们将使你精神振奋，在你似乎丧失勇气时鼓起勇气，似乎没有理由相信时重建信念，几乎绝望时产生希望。遗憾得很，我既没有雄辩的词令、诗意的想象，也没有华丽的隐喻向你们说明它们的意义。怀疑者一定要说它们只不过是几个名词，一句口号，一个浮夸的短词。每一个迂腐的学究，每一个蛊惑人心的政客，每一个玩世不恭的人，每一个伪君子，每一个惹是生非之徒，很遗憾，还有其他个性不甚正常的人，一定企图贬低它们，甚至对它们进行愚弄和嘲笑。 但这些名词确能做到：塑造你的基本特性，使你将来成为国防卫士；使你坚强起来，认清自己的懦弱，并勇敢地面对自己的胆怯。它们教导你在失败时要自尊，要不屈不挠；胜利时要谦和，不要以言语代替行动，不要贪图舒适；要面对重压和困难，勇敢地接受挑战；要学会巍然屹立于风浪之中，但对遇难者要寄予同情；要先律己而后律人；要有纯洁的心灵和崇高的目标；要学会笑，但不要忘记怎么哭；要向往未来，但不可忽略过去；要为人持重，但不可过于严肃；要谦虚，铭记真正伟大的纯朴，真正智慧的虚心，真正强大的温顺。它们赋予你意志的韧性，想象的质量，感情的活力，从生命的深处焕发精神，以勇敢的姿态克服胆怯，甘于冒险而不贪图安逸。它们在你们心中创造奇妙的意想不到的希望，以及生命的灵感与欢乐。它们就是以这种方式教导你们成为军人和君子。 你所率领的是哪一类士兵?他可靠吗?勇敢吗?他有能力赢得胜利吗?他的故事你全都熟悉，那是一个美国士兵的故事。我对他的估价是多年前在战场上形成的，至今没有改变。那时，我把他看作是世界上最高尚的人；现在，我仍然这样看他。他不仅是一个军事品德最优秀的人，而且也是一个最纯洁的人。他的名字与威望是每一个美国公民的骄傲。在青壮年时期，他献出了一切人类所赋予的爱情与忠贞。他不需要我及其他人的颂扬，因为他已用自己的鲜血在敌人的胸前谱写了自传。可是，当我想到他在灾难中的坚忍，在战火里的勇气，在胜利时的谦虚，我满怀的赞美之情不禁油然而升。他在历史上已成为一位成功爱国者的伟大典范；他在未来将成为子孙认识解放与自由的教导者；现在，他把美德与成就献给我们。在数十次战役中，在上百个战场上，在成千堆营火旁，我亲眼目睹他坚韧不拔的不朽精神，热爱祖国的自我克制以及不可战胜的坚定决心，这些已经把他的形象铭刻在他的人民心中。 当我听到合唱队唱的这些歌曲，我记忆的目光看到第一次世界大战中步履蹒跚的小分队，从湿淋淋的黄昏到细雨蒙蒙的黎明，在透湿的背包的重负下疲惫不堪地行军，沉重的脚踝深深地踏在炮弹轰震过的泥泞路上，与敌人进行你死我活的战斗。他们嘴唇发青，浑身污泥，在风雨中战抖着，从家里被赶到敌人面前，许多人还被赶到上帝的审判席上。我不了解他们生得高贵，可我知道他们死得光荣。他们从不犹豫，毫无怨恨，满怀信心，嘴边叨念着继续战斗，直到看到胜利的希望才合上双眼。这一切都是为了它们——责任一荣誉一国家。当我们瞒珊在寻找光明与真理的道路上时，他们一直在流血、挥汗、洒泪。 20年以后，在世界的另一边，他们又面对着黑黝黝肮脏的散兵坑、阴森森恶臭的战壕、湿淋淋污浊的坑道，还有那酷热的火辣辣的阳光、疾风狂暴的倾盆大雨、荒无人烟的丛林小道。他们忍受着与亲人长期分离的痛苦煎熬、热带疾病的猖獗蔓延、兵桌要地区的恐怖情景。他们坚定果敢的防御，他们迅速准确的攻击，他们不屈挠的目的，他们全面彻底的胜利——永恒的胜利——永远伴随着他们最后在血泊中的战斗。在战斗中，那些苍白憔悴的人们的目光始终庄严地跟随着责任一荣誉一国家的口号。 这几个名词包合着最高的道德准则，并将经受任何为提高人类道德水准而传播的伦理或哲学的检验。它所提倡的是正确的事物，它所制止的是谬误的东西。高于众人之上的战士要履行宗教修炼的最伟大行为——牺牲。在战斗中，面对着危险与死亡，他显示出造物主按照自己意愿创造人类时所赋予的品质。只有神明能帮助他、支持他，这是任何肉体的勇敢与动物的本能都代替不了的。无论战争如何恐怖，召之即来的战士准备为国捐躯是人类最崇高的进化。 现在，你们面临着一个新世界——一个变革中的世界。人造卫星进入星际空间。卫星与导弹标志着人类漫长的历史进入了另一个时代——太空时代。自然科学告诉我们，在50亿年或更长的时期中，地球形成了；300万年或更长的时期中，人类形成了；人类历史还不曾有过一次更巨大、更令人惊讶的进化。我们不单要从现在这个世界，而且要从无法估算的距离，从神秘莫测的宇宙来论述事物。我们正在认识一个崭新的无边无际的世界。我们谈论着不可思议的话题：控制宇宙的能源；让风力与潮汐为我们所用；创造空前的合成物质以补充甚至代替古老的基本物质；净化海水以供我们饮用；开发海底以作为财富与食品的新基地；预防疾病以使寿命延长几百岁；调节空气以使冷热、晴雨分布均衡；登月宇宙飞船；战争中的主要目标不仅限于敌人的武装力量，也包括其平民；切结起来的人类与某些星系行星的恶势力的最根本矛盾；使生命成为有史以来最扣人心弦的那些梦境与幻想。 为了迎接所有这些巨大的变化与发展，你们的任务将变得更加坚定而不可侵犯，那就是赢得我们战争的胜利。你们的职业要求你们在这个生死关头勇于献身，此外别无所求。其余的一切公共目的、公共计划、公共需求，无论大小，都可以寻找其 你们是联系我国防御系统全部机构的纽带。当战争警钟敲响时，从你们的队伍中将涌现出手操国家命运的伟大军官。还从来没有人打败过我们。假如你也是这样，上百万身穿橄榄色、棕色、蓝色和灰色制服的灵魂将从他们的白色十字架下站起来，以雷霆般的声音喊出那神奇的口号——责任一荣誉一国家。 这并不意味着你们是战争贩子。相反，高于众人之上的战士祈求和平，因为他忍受着战争最深刻的伤痛与疮疤。可是，我们的耳边经常响起那位大智大慧的哲学之父柏拉图的警世之言："只有死者才能看到战争的终结。" 我的生命已近黄昏，暮色已经降临，我昔日的风采和荣誉已经消失。它们随着对昔日事业的憧憬，带着那余晖消失了。昔日的记忆奇妙而美好，浸透了眼泪和昨日微笑的安慰和抚爱。我尽力但徒然地倾听，渴望听到军号吹奏起床导对那微弱而迷人的旋律，以及远处战鼓急促敲击的动人节奏。
8月7日 你的奥运生活靠不靠谱？挺有趣的文章,转来了给大家看看 靠谱不? 张艺谋： 出租车司机： 街道委员会大妈： 酒店经理 外国记者 时尚达人 8月4日 FOR USugar Sugar -- The Archies Sugar, ah, honey, honey I just can't believe the loveliness of loving you Ah, sugar, ah, honey, honey When I kissed you, girl, I knew how sweet a kiss could be Pour a little sugar on it, baby Sugar, ah, honey, honey 8月1日 最近好像一点都不随意的确一点都不随意 没你在 日子不好过 计划挺多 目标挺远大 原地踏步 况且自己也不再电梯上 但是 日子还要过的 明天应该比今天更好的 多少个明天之后 你 还有大家 都会走上自己梦想的生活道路 是的~ 我还好 7月28日 重要的不是所站的位置，而是所朝的方向7月23日 再见
5月29日 转 : 让你的捷达拥有344匹马力 激改!一部车之所以能称之为经典，不单单只是因为年代的久远，本身体质也需要相当优秀，才能够不被遗忘。而来自德国的大众高尔夫车款就是其中一个例子，尤其是二代高尔夫更是令人难忘，也因此才会有这部号称全台最强二代高尔夫四门款·捷达的诞生。
二代高尔夫动力系统分8V与16V两种
捷达GT所使用139匹引擎，虽然此颗引擎是先由Oettinger进行雏形设计，再由大众原厂进行大部分零件的组装，因此在先天体质上相当优异(搭配车重1080kg，0~100km/h 9秒内！)，且原厂就已有设置活塞底部冷却机油喷嘴(非常适合涡轮化)，但在改装领域里，却受限于先天机械喷射(KE-jetronic)条件，而无法有太大幅度的改装，其主要因为二代GTi机械喷射的工作模式是经由较高压力(约为6.0bar，而一般VAG电子喷射系统的供油压力，则在3bar左右)的供油泵提供源头，再经由空气滤芯后方的进气流量翼板动作，控制分油盘油压来针对不同的进气量，进行油料的供应，这样的设计虽然能减少复杂电子讯号传递，但却无法像现今的电子式喷油系统可对供油作较精细的调整，尤其是对重度动力改装的引擎来说，更是难以进行供油的调校(国内专精此系统的人不多)，且一旦进气流量翼板作动稍有问题或是不顺畅，就即有可能导致引擎供油不正常，甚至严重问题的产生，因此许多16V的车主在重改之前，都会先将供油系统换成电子喷射装置。
原厂16V动力不足加挂涡轮动力超强
解决了计算机供油系统后，接下来就是引擎本体改造的部分。首先为将原厂高达10.5的压缩比降低至安全范围，车主在翻遍原厂维修手册并经过计算后才发现，原来原厂1.8升引擎与帕萨特 2.0升引擎的缸径是相同的，且2.0升活塞较短，因此在换成2.0升的活塞后，就可以利用活塞到达上顶点高度较低的特性，将压缩比降至8.2的程度。另外，为强化腹内零件承受高燃爆压力的能力，特别将装置在连杆、曲轴上的所有螺丝换成Arp制品。在提升喷油嘴供油量部分，则使用来自福特 Motor Sport改装用的高流量喷油嘴，其440c.c.的高吞吐量，最高可对应到350~400匹的水准，提供车主在进行供油调校时，无后顾之忧的硬件条件。经由上述改装，目前最大轮上马力输出达到343.6匹的高水平(增压值设定在1.0bar)，且不要忘了它只是一部前驱车！号称最速捷达，应该不会有异议吧！
冷气散热Cooler确保进气效率稳定
在冷却系统方面除了加装机油冷却器外，则大致维持原来的设计，不过值得一提，车主为降低进气温度，不但流用尼桑不知名柴油车水冷式进气冷却器，并自行DIY将原本室内暖气用的热水阀管路连接到水冷进气冷却器上(暖气功能废止)，如此一来就可以利用冷气流过中控台内热排的方式，降低热水阀管路温度，并且将水冷中冷器内部的水温，降低到冰冷程度，以提升进气效率！
三片式BBS铝圈改造15寸8J宽度 在底盘改装方面，除了因担任避震器制造大厂e'spec的测试车而使用其套件外，其余用料几乎皆为进口高档货，例如Autotech前25mm后28mm中空防倾杆及下拉杆、奥迪 S2车款用前双活塞卡钳(碟盘直径280mm)、Petoquin 1way扭力齿轮式LSD等，不过在所有底盘改装套件中，最让车主得意的是将BBS RM三片式铝圈，利用网络订购改装品的方式，将原厂6.5J轮圈宽度延长到8J境界，之所以要这样改装，除可以使铝圈看起来更漂亮外，也可以使轮胎外壁向外延伸，达到大尺寸轮圈的视觉效果。
轮胎搭配未够完美 牛刀小试保安全
PS:捷达我也开过 说实话蛮耐操的 比同级别的桑塔纳好开 不过个人感觉离合器间隙太大 不是是不是设计上的缺陷 比较容易熄火 (我承认其实是我技术不好) |
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